NATIONALIST POPULISM AND POST-COMMUNISM

the political decisions and performance of the political elite. The old, so-called “traditional” myths, even those from ancient times, have been re-invented, while at the same time new, “modern” myths have appeared in the discourse. In relation to post-communism, Vladimir Tismaneanu, for example, noted that myths are responses to the sentiments of discontinuity, fragmentation and the overall confusion of the post-communist stage. They have the power not only to offer relatively facile explanations for a group’s perceived victimhood and failure, but also to mobilise, energise and even instigate large groups into action. 27 I have argued before that nationalism, which underlines the ethnic criteria for national membership and stresses the importance of the ethnic identity, holds a great potential to mobilise significant parts of the population, which makes it an attractive tool for the political elite. On the other hand, the representatives of the political elite tend to be perceived as the main supporters of democracy and democratic principles. As a result, the political elite in post-communist countries usually combine the concept of nationalismwith that of democracy and consider them to be complementary, even though they are rather contradictory. As Liah Greenfeld rightly note, because the classic democratic theory equates the people with citizens, the principles of human association, ethnic diversity and (liberal) democracy are by nature contradictory and antithetical. According to Greenfeld, the rights of communities and the rights of individuals cannot be ensured in equal measures. Plainly put, cultural validation and the empowerment of ethnic identity endangers (liberal) democracy. 28 In the light of the above, it can be argued that the division line between “good patriots” and “bad nationalists” is often blurred, especially where the Central European reality is concerned. For the empirical part of this study, I will therefore focus on three different manifestations of nationalism: positive self presentation; economic nationalism; and the derogation of ethnic “others”. 2.2.2. The “peculiarities” of East European nationalism The acceptance of differences in the socio-political and economic realities of Eastern and Western Europe has led numerous scholars to develop arguments about the differences between the Western and Eastern nationalisms. 29 For instance, as Dan Gheorghe Dungaciu noted, when one tries to explain 27 See V. Tismaneanu Fantasies of Salvation. Democracy, Nationalism and Myth in Post-Communist Europe. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press 1998). 28 See L. Greenfeld, “Democracy, Ethnic Diversity and Nationalism”, K. Goldmann, U. Hannerz, C. Westin (eds.) Nationalism and Internationalism in the Post-Cold War Era. (London and New York: Routledge 2001). 29 In this context, the term “Eastern Europe” encompasses both Central and Eastern Europe.

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