NATIONALIST POPULISM AND POST-COMMUNISM

the political elite elsewhere in the world can be defined or interpreted in ethnic terms, as the pursuing of interests of one ethnic group over the interests of another one. Naturally, apart from the external others, the polity might develop an entire ranking of “internal others”, among which ethnic minorities usually play an important role. I would suggest that the twofold rejection – of an “internal” and “external other” – has played a crucial role in shaping both the domestic and foreign policies of states in the ethnically mixed countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Ilya Prizel argues that in order to remain credible at home, a government must defend the nation’s (ethnic) identity. 53 In the case of weak political institutions, one of the most effective ways for the ruling elite to reaffirm the national or ethnic identity is through a distinctly nationalist – in other words, ethnocentric – foreign policy. The national or ethnic identity serves not only as the primary link between the individual and their society, but also between the society and the world. Therefore, foreign policy, which is perceived as the protector of the national (ethnic) identity of a particular nation (ethnic group) in its interaction with the outside world, plays an important role in the process of the mobilisation of the domestic electorate. 54 In the empirical part of this work, I will focus on the instrumental use of “we” and “others” in both the Slovak and Polish political discourses. By analysing different media statements of the political leaders and the programmes of the political parties in the two countries, I will point out the continuing presence of nationalist populist appeals in the political language of the ruling elite. I will argue that these appeals are maintained in the political discourses by the political elite who use nationalist populist rhetoric in order to address their voters and supporters. On the other hand, due to the reproduction of the collective memory and survivability of the political culture in the examined countries, nationalist appeals are accepted by significant proportion of the population, regardless of the changing socio-cultural environment.

53 See I. Prizel National Identity and Foreign Policy. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998). 54 Ibid.

25