BUSINESS AND HUMAN RIGHTS / Šturma, Mozetic (eds)
control significant parts of financial assets around the world, using their power and wealth to bribe governments, banking systems, legitimate business; in addition to subtracting resources needed for public investment, social assistance, and hampering public policy and management as a whole. These same assets, in sophisticated vicious circles, derive from so many other crimes of a very violent nature, namely: terrorism, robbery of cultural goods, trafficking of women and children to sexual slavery, extraction of human organs, extortion, trade in the market weapons and nuclear materials, drug trafficking, cyber-crimes, illegal lotteries, fake crimes, etc. In the Brazilian case we have, among many problems, what it says with the subject of the manipulation of the public budget, since, even knowing that it is gestated under each state power structure, preceded by a legislative process that creates it, public expenditures, it is nowadays the target of extremely sophisticated corrupt maneuvers, with the exception of tied expenditures (application of a minimum percentage of health and education revenues), the process of little controlled. In Brazil we had the famous case of Mensalão, where parliamentarians received a monthly allowance in exchange for political support for the government‘s interests, directly affecting the formatting of the headings and parliamentary amendments negotiated with the Executive Branch in exchange for the support of parties for their initiatives, involving, for example, the introduction of excessively general budget allocations , such as the structuring of the basic health care system , transferring the definition of the respective measures and regions benefited to the implementation of the budget. Just to register, on June 6, 2005, the newspaper Folha de São Paulo published an interview with the then federal deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB-RJ) in which he revealed the existence of a scheme of payment of bribes to parliamentarians of the base allied with the then first Lula government in exchange for political support.In March 2006, the Attorney General‘s Office filed a complaint with the Federal Supreme Court against 40 people suspected of involvement in the scheme. Of the 40 initially charged, only 37 were on trial. In October 2012, the STF closed the trial and sentenced 25 of the 37 defendants. It occurs that, in budget execution , the relations of political power of coalition between Executive and Legislative also occurred, some, in highly corruptive bases, since, in many opportunities, the Executive allowed parliamentarians to choose the destiny to be given to the resources contemplated in its amendments, allowing even direct access to the government‘s computerized system. That is, some parliamentarians, with the password that allowed them to access the national budget system, attended to their electoral niches, sometimes requiring potential beneficiaries to contract companies that they indicated to the execution of the demands, exactly to share with them the overpriced public resources in each business. This was one of the maneuvers that characterized another corruption scandal in Brazil called the Legholder Mafia . This operation was triggered by the Federal Police in May 2006, called Operation Leech, and arrested public advisors and civil servants accused of using R $ 110 million of the Budget in the purchase of overpriced ambulances, since the main company involved in the scheme, Planam, superfaturava the price of ambulances by up to 110%, often delivering defective vehicles or without all equipment. It was identified
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